Cohen persuades Lukiiko to elect deported Muteesa’s successor

Some of the members of the Hancock Commission pose for a photo in Namirembe, Kampala. The commission, headed by Sir Keith Hancock (4th left, seated), drafted the Namirembe Agreement which resulted in the return of Muteesa On October 17, 1955. PHOTO COURTESY OF HENRY LUBEGA

Banishing Muteesa. Governor Andrew Cohen’s administration anticipated an uprising in Buganda once the news of the Kabaka’s deportation was made public. The first action the protectorate government did was to declare a state of emergency in Buganda soon after the plane taking Muteesa left Entebbe, and a shoot-to-kill order was issued.

Following Kabaka Edward Muteesa’s unannounced arrival in London, England, there was no one to receive him officially. At the airport, there was no car to take the team to London.

Writing in the book Looking Back at the Uganda Protectorate: Recollection of District Officers, Freddie Williams says: “I asked whether instructions had been received from the colonial office about where we should report, but there was absolutely no information.”

Muteesa was driven to London in a borrowed airport security car. Williams goes on to explain that, “On arrival in London, it seemed to me inappropriate to drive up to the colonial office and march up the steps with the deported Kabaka. So we disembarked at the pub just around the colonial office.”

“From there, I telephoned the desk officer dealing with Uganda to ask for information where to deliver the Kabaka.”

From the corner, Muteesa was given £100 and taken to Savoy Hotel with his ADC Robert Ntambi. Williams says that was the end of his official dealings with Muteesa.
Buganda’s reaction
The governor Andrew Cohen administration anticipated an uprising in Buganda once the news of the king’s deportation was made public.

The first action the protectorate government did was to declare a state of emergency in Buganda soon after the plane taking Muteesa left Entebbe. As the talks at Entebbe were falling apart, all colonial administrators in Buganda were given a password “Pink Gin”. Once they heard it, they were supposed to know a state of emergency had been declared in the region.

On deployment, each had been issued with security manual which allowed them to shoot-to-kill during the state of emergency.

Unfortunately for the protectorate government, the anticipated violence never took place. Instead, the Buganda government decided to mount a legal challenge in London.

Apollo Kironde, a grandson to Sir Apollo Kaggwa, who had just qualified as a lawyer, filed a case in London challenging the legality of the governor’s authority to withdraw the kabaka’s recognition.

While Cohen hoped that the authorities in London would turn down any possible negotiation for the return of the kabaka, he turned his focus on the Lukiiko (parliament), persuading it to elect a new king as soon as possible.

In the meantime, he advised the Lukiiko to appoint three regents to be caretakers of the kingdom’s affairs as he worked his way into having a new kabaka elected. The three regents were Paulo Kavuma, then katikkiro (prime minister), Latimer Mpagi, the mulamuzi (chief justice), and Matiya Mugwanya, the muwanika (treasurer).

Unknown to him, soon after the news of the deportation broke the Lukiiko came up with a team to go to London and negotiate for Muteesa’s return.
There was no open defiance or uprising as the protectorate government had anticipated, but instead there was quiet resistance. Some of the local chiefs decided to keep away from their work stations.
Britain’s response
There was an emergency debate in the House of Commons and Muteesa’s deportation was debated.

According to the Hansard of the House of Commons transcript of November 30, 1953, Oliver Lyttelton, the secretary for colonies, set the ball rolling.

“Her Majesty’s government had withdrawn the recognition from the Kabaka of Buganda. The Kabaka had been in breach of the Uganda agreement in failing to co-operate loyally with Her Majesty’s government,” he said.

The secretary went on to say that his continued presence would be a threat to public safety. At the time the kabaka was on his way to England by air. The kabaka, Lyttelton said, would be free to live where he wanted outside Uganda. An appropriate financial settlement would also be made to him.

Less than two days later, the deportation of the kabaka was again debated in the House of Commons to find a solution since it had been done without the government’s consent.

On December 2, 1953, a three-hour debate in the House of Commons centred on Muteesa. Among those who spoke included Fenner Brockway.
In his submission, Brockway said: “The kabaka reflected the views of his people and the Lukiiko. The secretary’s speech about the East African federation had started a dynamo of discontent.”

Another member, George Thomas, blamed the deportation on what he called the “blundering speech by the secretary of colonies on the federation. Though, according to the House of Common Hansard, there was no clear condemnation of the government for what they had done.

J. C. M Alport sided with the secretary’s view that the kabaka had been given a chance but he remained adamant, “no other option would have been taken in the circumstances.”

During the debate, secretary Lyttelton told the house that Muteesa had met with Cohen six times between October 27 and November 30, 1953, but nothing fruitful had come out of those meetings.

Despite the secretary’s explanation, John Hynd found no justification for the deportation and questioned the resolution. “The decision should not be final and irrevocable. There was no mention of deportation in the agreement,” he said.

A legal case was opened in London to challenge the governor’s powers to deport the kabaka, and the legality of its appointing the caretaker regents.

Kenneth Diplock and Dingle Foot assisted by Apollo Kironde as their junior counsel represented kabaka and the Buganda Lukiiko while Ralph Dreschfield QC and three others juniors represented the protectorate government.
The presiding justice of the High Court of Uganda, Sir John Griffith, described it as a friendly action.

As the protectorate government was grappling with the legal challenge, the colonial government was looking for ways of mending fences having realised they had made a mistake.

They were, however, not going to just announce the return of the kabaka; instead they called for the creation of a constitutional commission and appointed Sir Keith Hancock to head it.

The commission, also known as the Hancock Commission, drafted the Namirembe Agreement which resulted in the return of Muteesa, in what came to be known at the 1955 Buganda Agreement.

The Anglican Church’s response
At the time of Muteesa’s deportation, the church and the State were inseparable.
In this case, the Anglican Church was seen as an extension of the government.

Writing in Mutesa II and the Church of Uganda, Kevin Ward says: “The bishop of the Church of Uganda was the third in protectorate administrative hierarchy.”

The Anglican faithful felt betrayed by Leslie Brown, the first archbishop of the Church of Uganda, much as he had not been party to the deportation scheme.
By the time of his appointment, he was regarded by both officials in London and Entebbe as saintly, but politically naive.

Cohen went on to comment in his correspondence to the colonial office: “I think that the Anglican Church will need careful handling, not only at this end, but also in England. The bishop of Uganda is not experienced politically and is really by nature a theologian rather than an administrator.”

“Inevitably, he is drawn into political discussions by the Baganda, many of whom believe that it is the bishop of Uganda’s function to take part in politics.”

Kevin Ward says, “In Buganda, the political involvement of the Anglican bishop in affairs of state was taken for granted. Brown was accused of being privy to the deportation. His reluctance to speak out was taken as approval of what the governor had done.”

“He had had dinner with Cohen a few days before, and in retrospect was struck by the unwonted lack of conviviality, which he put down to Cohen’s reluctance to compromise the bishop by making him party to the plan.”

Based on the relationship the church had portrayed to have with the government, it was only believed it had a say on what was going on. There was a strong belief among the Baganda church elite that the church leadership was in position to do something about the situation.

There was a letter by one of such people, A. L. Kamya, to former bishop Stuart in which he said: “What is worrying me much is the opinions of the people, about our Church. The majority of the people are grieved to see that the Church of Uganda has not assisted in the deportation of the kabaka. We all expected justice from the church. The Baganda still regard the bishop as the chief advisor of His Excellency... I am telling you the truth as long as your Church is silent during this critical time, the Church of Uganda is doomed.”

The return
Two factors combined to make Muteesa’s return possible. A court case in London and a commission of inquiry set up by the colonial office headed by Sir Keith Hancock was put in place to clarify the constitutional relationship between Buganda and the unitary government and the Uganda protectorate.

Buganda Lukiiko was to nominate representatives to the commission and so was the protectorate government.

Cohen was part of the protectorate team at Namirembe were the hearings were held. The Buganda team had Paulo Kavuma, Latimer Mpagi, Mugwanya, Thomas Makumbi, Apollo Kironde and E. M. Mulira.

Others were J. G. Ssengendo-Zzake, Mgr J. Kasule, Yusuf Lule, Fr Joachim Masagazi, Bishop Joseph Kiwanuka and Y. Kyazze, among others. The commission deliberated from June 1954 until September of the same year. Among its resolutions was to have an elected katikkiro before the kabaka’s return and also agreed on a constitutional monarchy.

On October 17, 1955, at exactly 9am, a private plane chartered to bring Muteesa back home touched down at Entebbe airport.

Writing about Muteesa’s return in Looking Back at Uganda Protectorate: Recollections of District Officers, Tommy Gee says: “He arrived in a special plane and was greeted by His Excellency the governor with the words ‘How nice to have you back.”

On his return, Muteesa had British friends who had helped him survive during his stay in exile and those who had mounted a legal battle in the British courts to have him returned as kabaka. Among those included Kenneth Diplock, Rev Michael Scott, Dingle Foot and Oliver Messel, among others.

From Entebbe, Muteesa and his guests drove straight to Namirembe Cathedral where he was met by Bishop Brown for a thanksgiving service, before going to Rubaga Cathedral.

The next day he went to the Lukiiko for the official signing of the agreement which came to be known as the Buganda Agreement of 1955.

Next week: Read about the Anglican Church and its influence in Ugandan politics