20 years on: Is it sunrise or sunset for Buganda?

The sun seemed to set on the Kingdom of Buganda when Dr Obote attacked the Lubiri in 1966 and ripped apart the 1962 Independence Constitution. When he confiscated Buganda’s land and assets and abolished kingdoms in Uganda in 1967 it looked like that was the end of the ancient kingdom.

In dark days that followed, it was inconceivable that the kingdom would ever resurrect. Dr Obote and his ilk were determined to obliterate its existence and history. To achieve this goal Dr Obote pursued a republican and communist agenda to demonise the kingdom and its supporters. He imposed a long state of emergency in Buganda and detained and harassed anyone known to support the Kabaka. He wickedly turned the Kabaka’s palace into an army barracks and the kingdom’s seat in Bulange into his army’s headquarters. He callously renamed it “Republic House”.

The new occupants at Bulange quickly and mercilessly burned all the valuable artifacts and records that they could find. By 1971, when Idi Amin toppled him, Obote’s agenda against Buganda was almost complete and there was a view within the UPC cabal that ‘a good Muganda was a dead one’.

So when Amin overthrew Dr Obote, there was a cause of wild celebration in Buganda. To many, this was a new dawn for the kingdom. Those celebrating must have missed the fact that Amin did not include the restoration of kingdoms in the 18 reasons for ousting Dr Obote.

For his benefit, Gen Amin used the euphoria to boost his popularity and within no time he, who had personally led the attack of the Lubiri five years ago, mysteriously raised Buganda hopes with the return of Kabaka Muteesa’s body for burial at Kasubi. With the stately burial ceremonies out of the way, the Baganda elders were quick to present memoranda, asking Amin to allow the return of Prince Ronald Mutebi to Uganda and to restore the kingdoms. But once Amin settled, restoration of kingdoms was the least of his concerns.

Buganda’s fortunes didn’t improve after Amin was overthrown in 1979. This is because the successive regimes of Obote (in reincarnation) Tito Lutwa, Basilio Okello, Paulo Muwanga, Godfrey Binaisa and Prof Yusuf Lule had little or no time to ponder the restoration of kingdoms in Uganda.
It was only when armed rebellion started against Dr Obote that talk on the restoration of kingdoms took on a more serious turn. Guerrilla groups like Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM) led by Andrew Kayiira and FEDEMU put the restoration of Buganda Kingdom on top of their struggle.

There is talk that an agreement was struck in Kikunyu Makulubita in the Luweero bushes between Buganda and the NRA for the restoration of the kingdom. However, President Museveni has variously denied such a pact. But it is a fact that Prince Mutebi was involved in the mobilisation of support for the NRA.

The NRA/NRM won the war of liberation and promised the country a fundamental change in 1986. However, it took seven years after capturing power to allow the restoration of traditional leadership in Uganda. Even then, it is reported, Museveni struggled to convince his comrades to restore traditional institutions.

But when the new Constitution was promulgated in 1995, Buganda’s views on federalism and restoration of the kingdom, as it existed before the 1966 crisis, were discarded. Instead, the new Constitution provided for the existence of the institution of traditional or cultural leaders whose roles and powers were restricted to matters cultural.
These leaders were proscribed from exercising any administrative, legislative or executive powers of government or local government. Their survival was left to the mercy of government handouts and the charity of its subjects. In the place of federalism, the Baganda yearned for, the new constitution offered the districts of Buganda or others the option co-operate by way of a charter.

In 2004/5, when the constitution was revised, Buganda had a second bite of the cherry. Its Katikkiro, J M Semwogerere marshaled thousands of supporters to the Nile Conference Centre to tender Buganda’s constitutional aspirations. But once again, in spite of the popularity of the views, Buganda’s efforts yielded no fruits and the outcome of the revisions was the regional governments law which was initially welcomed but on closer scrutiny was later roundly rejected. So although, a decade after its rebirth, Buganda’s sun was out, a dark cloud was preventing it to shine. I believe it is around this time that the affair that Buganda Kingdom had with the NRM and its leadership abated.

In the subsequent decade, instead of the clouds thinning, they became ominously thicker and save for occasional moments when the sun rays cut through, there was generally no sunshine.

This is because the seat of the Kabaka and the Mengo protagonists came under constant threat from the regime that generally branded them liars, opportunists and political lepers.

For example, in 2007, Buganda’s demand for federalism and the return of confiscated land and assets was a basis of a fierce tug-of-war and discord between the central government and Buganda.

At the height of the animosity surrounding the controversial Land Bill, the Central Government arrested and detained three kingdom officials, including the current Katikkiro for no offence whatsoever. In addition, a nouveau cultural-cum-political club of kings was created in Buruli and Bugerere to challenge the Kabaka authority – leading to the illegal refusal, by the State, of the Kabaka to visit the counties of Buruli and Bugerere – which resulted in the September 2009 riots in Buganda. More than 30 people were killed by security personnel.

Today, the tension between the central government and Mengo has somewhat subsided, but there remains a deep mistrust.
The question is how long will this impasse last? And, what does the future hold for Buganda and Uganda? Will there ever be a congruence of minds or a civic resolution in our lifetime?
The answer to these questions lies in the fact that the future of Uganda and Buganda are uniquely, even inextricably, interlinked. It is impossible to see one advance without the other. Yet one does not see a serious and purposeful attempt to have dialogue to resolve the thorny issues. In my view, that dialogue should be held (preferably chaired by a neutral party) and must be premised on the following:
• A review of the agreements that were reached before Buganda agreed to be a constituent part of Uganda.
• Restitution of the assets and land that were confiscated by Dr Obote’s regime and reparations where applicable.
• Buganda’s demands for self-determination and agreement on devolution of power and finances based on principles of federalism and not decentralization.
• Agreement of Buganda’s territorial integrity including on the question of the geographical and administration boundaries of Kampala City.
• The rights and privileges of the Kabaka –including his right to free movement within and outside his kingdom.
On the whole, it would appear that the new leadership at Mengo is well poised to confront these issues. From where I stand, there is every indication that Buganda’s sun is steadily rising and that its best days lie ahead and not behind it. Little wonder that its youth today optimistically believe that ekikutte obudde kinaatera okubuta.
The only catch is that Buganda’s sun will continue to rise only when Uganda’s sun is rising.
Unfortunately, as long as the politics at the centre runs out of control, the dark clouds will remain to obstruct the sunshine.

Buganda’s issues must be addressed - Makubuya

The issues raised by the Buganda Kingdom must be seen and addressed, not just from a political purview but also fundamentally, from a constitutional and human rights perspective. We are talking about constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people of Uganda to self determination; property; freedom of movement; freedom of assembly; freedom of association and to the right to be governed through their will and consent, amongst others. In view of this the Government has a constitutional duty to ensure that these concerns are addressed in a fair and sincere manner.
Looking beyond its interaction with the central government, Buganda will also need to take a deep look inward and to think on how best it can unlock its full potential in both political and economic terms. It needs to convert the love and energy of its peoples into political and economic capital. As Professor M. Mamdani has previously pointed out, Buganda needs to discard the mindset of a victimized minority and assume one of a major actor in both political and economic terms.
Its full emancipation will require not only an innovative exploitation of its vast human and natural resources but also a careful streamlining and of its administration to make it more efficient and business like. Besides this, the kingdom will need to address the many disputes within its clan structures. Clan structures particularly their composition and leadership needs to be strengthened. Intra clan disputes, when combined attempted breakaways by certain ethnic groups, will threaten the very foundation and future of the kingdom.