Rather, with the NRM now wallowing in almost all the sins that plagued UPC rule, the regime understands that it has lost the high ground from which it vilified both Amin and Obote.

One way of devaluing a medal – or any other prize – is to give it to virtually everybody, like Uganda’s so-called 50th National Independence Golden Jubilee Medal, recently awarded to all sorts of big people (many of them deceased). From Presidents and Speakers of Parliament to bush war fighters; from professionals you had forgotten to self-appointed apostles. So, what if your favourite hero was not on the list?

However, two controversial names attracted considerable interest. Dr Milton Obote, who ruled Uganda twice (1962-71 and 1980-85), was on the list, and Field Marshal Idi Amin (1971-79) was left out. People who claim to understand the thinking of the ruling clique have been telling us that Obote led Uganda to independence, built hospitals and so on.

On the other hand, celebrating the part Amin played would be to contradict everything that the NRM had fought for. In short, Amin was so wicked that none of his actions could redeem him.
Now, unless you are completely charitable, this argument smells of naked hypocrisy. Why?

Everybody knows that although Mr. Museveni participated in some of the action against Amin’s rule, he was a rather marginal figure. When the Tanzanian forces routed Amin in 1979, very few Ugandans had even heard of Museveni or his FRONASA. Almost definitely, the Tanzanian forces could have sorted out Amin without Museveni’s help; indeed also without the Oyite Ojok/Milton Obote rebels, if the questions of sovereignty and territorial integrity could be ignored.

It was the war the NRA waged against Obote’s second rule (1980-85) that defined Museveni. And if we believe his account, the trigger was the rigging of the 1980 general election that returned the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) to power. By rigging that election, in conspiracy with Paulo Muwanga and the security forces, Obote had in effect usurped the democratic power of the Ugandan people. This was the top official reason Museveni went to the bush. All the other reasons were secondary.

So, if Museveni’s ultimate enterprise on the battlefield was not against Amin but Obote, fighting a war in which ordinary Ugandans lost more lives and property than under Amin, followed by years of absolutely unforgiving propaganda portraying Obote as a monster, how can Museveni now, as the Fountain of Honour, turn around and convince us that there was something about his foe that makes him deserve the Golden Jubilee Medal more than Amin?

Rather, with the NRM now wallowing in almost all the sins that plagued UPC rule, the regime understands that it has lost the high ground from which it vilified both Amin and Obote. But since Obote always put up a pretence that he ruled as a properly elected leader, just like Museveni, it seems expedient to hold him a notch above Amin, who ruled by the undisguised force of arms.

Secondly, Amin has a much narrower constituency than Obote. Many of the prominent UPC youth of Obote’s first rule have been lured or bought by Museveni. They are now aging ministers and presidential advisers.

But somewhere in the corners of their hearts, and among their clan and ideological fraternities, an attachment to UPC and Obote lingers on; and Museveni wants all these people to remain in his camp.

Branded only as a soldier, a Moslem and a member of the small Kakwa tribe, and his comical reputation colouring even these three identities, Amin can be “isolated” more easily than Obote.

So, in Amin we are given a villain to justify Museveni’s cause, but without risking as much support as would have been the case if the NRM had continued treating Obote cruelly.

Finally, lumping together Obote and Sir Edward Muteesa, the late Kabaka of Buganda, makes a statement. To the Central Region (Buganda), where Obote remains generally unforgiven for treating Sir Edward shabbily, and where Museveni fought his war but is steadily losing support, the message is: Go hang.

Allan Tacca is a novelist and socio-political commentator.
altaccaone@gmail.com

With Joseph Kony now an “expatriate” operating in Central Africa, Uganda has no serious guerilla on its soil. Gen. Museveni, Kiyonga (who even in 1980 refused to take his parliamentary seat) and Gen. Nyakairima could find a bush somewhere where they can hide

Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu is a cool-headed – even dull – political operator, who now heads the opposition FDC. Mr Tamale Mirundi is a diabolical media hit man working for President Museveni.

In the wake of the storm stirred up by President Museveni, Defence Minister Crispus Kiyonga and Commander of Defence Forces Aronda Nyakairima’s recent remarks, which suggested that the three honchos might not mind if the military seized power, Gen. Muntu made the harsh judgment that such a move by the army would be both stupid and counterproductive.

In a January 28 radio talk show, Mr Mirundi responded to a question on the subject by emphatically noting that Gen. Muntu had not denied the possibility of a coup; he had only said it would be stupid. Pressed to comment further, Mr Mirundi asked, rhetorically, whether stupid events had not happened before.

So, if President Museveni and company are not entirely upset by the thought of a military coup, his spokesman is not entirely upset by people who have called such (would-be) military action stupid.
Now, on the same radio programme, Mr Mirundi praised Justice Minister Kahinda Otafiire’s great intelligence and wisdom, which had enabled him to see that he could not be the minister in the docket responsible for constitutionalism and the rule of law and at the same time endorse the talk about military coups.

Well, Mr Mirundi was, of course, not being completely honest. Being the Justice minister would not stop the maverick General from endorsing militarist threats if he was enthusiastic. Rather, I think, this was one of those perfect moments for Gen. Otafiire to get a kick from rubbishing a Museveni utterance.

Anyhow, if, according to Mr Mirundi, a wise Justice minister would not play with the idea of military coups, what about the President of the republic? Is the minister of Justice more bound to preserve and protect the Constitution than the President?

Let us put it another way: Which would pose greater danger to the sovereignty, life, property and other rights of the people of Uganda? Would it be if the Justice minister or the President and Commander-in-Chief renounced the Constitution, especially if the President was in cahoots with the army commander and the Defence minister?

Only half a bird’s brain is required to answer that question. And since we all know the answer, what course of action should President Museveni take if he is unhappy with leading the country in its present restless state?

If the coup idea was a black joke by big boys who after so many years in power now regard the country as their personal property and can tease and bully the citizens in any manner they want, the net effect of the public response has been to call their bluff. Shoot, if you have the guts!

With the idea of the ruling clique mutating into an open military junta dismissed as ridiculous, President Museveni could try a pre-emptive colonial solution. Since this is a season of bad jokes, Mr Museveni could look at Sierra Leone, Libya and Mali and act more wisely than his former peers. Instead of waiting for Bazungu to come and sort out the mess our “confused” MPs may land Uganda into, Mr Museveni could invite Britain to sign a pact obliging our former colonial masters to take over the country in advance.

The better – if perhaps equally weird option – is for Museveni to officially become an outlaw again and return to the role at which he excelled. With Joseph Kony now an “expatriate” operating in Central Africa, Uganda has no serious guerilla on its soil. Gen. Museveni, Kiyonga (who even in 1980 refused to take his parliamentary seat) and Gen. Nyakairima could find a bush somewhere where they can hide – but not Luweero please – and launch a new protracted war, fighting against Parliament, the Judiciary and what would be left of the Executive and the national army. It is an enterprise that, if successful, could reward him with another 27 anniversaries in power.

Allan Tacca is a novelist and socio-political
commentator. altaccaone@gmail.com

In a situation where external pressure (like from donors) forced the NRM government to at least appear to be crucifying someone over corruption, there was already enough on file to make former junior Health Minister Mike Mukula a suitable candidate.

The word is disgust. Yes, disgust. Ordinarily, the things that provoke disgust are associated with filth; be it extreme physical or moral uncleanliness. There is also usually an organic aspect to the dirt; the suggestion of soggy rotten rubbish; the sight of unbecomingly exposed excreta. You do not want to open your mouth in the area; you do not want to put your foot on the ground. You want to get away from the scene as fast as possible.

The whore and her partners; the repetitive exchange of body fluids; the unwashed anatomy; the trenches around them oozing with dark semi-solid refuse; the stifling stench; the enormous flies; the vulgarity of the foul mouths in the slum. These are the sorts of things that cause disgust.

When a man in pristine white collar, matching tie and perfectly pressed pin-striped suit, smiling and waving to his supporters and spectators, evokes the same kind of revulsion, there must be something profoundly wrong going on.
When a section of citizens vow that they would demonstrate to protest the imprisonment of the man, who is no longer alleged, but has been proven by court to be a thief, having stolen money meant for helping people suffering and dying from HIV/Aids and tuberculosis, then the layers of filth seem to multiply.

Many commentators have remarked on the absurdity of this phenomenon; that after a generalised cry for thieves of public funds to be punished, specific groups of citizens rise in protest when someone they identify with (usually on tribal grounds) is subjected to the court process. It is as if they are saying: “Look, we don’t want thieves, but this is our son, daughter, brother or sister. He or she is our thief. You should only touch him if you do the same with all the other thieves. Or better still, you should deal with all the other thieves severely but leave ours alone.”

Now, when President Museveni was choosing from among Uganda’s thieves and allocating them juicy departments, he was careful to do a fairly broad mix; call it tribal/regional balancing, the democratisation of evil. So, after those raids that catch public attention have been uncovered and a roll-call of the vampires prepared, you cannot say that only President Museveni’s kinsmen were thieves.

Meanwhile, the thieves are making a different calculation, weighing their chances of impunity, which partly depends on their position in the hierarchy of the ruling clique. Not always an easy task, since the nominal position is not necessarily the true one. You can be the Vice President of the republic but well down at number 10 or 15 in the hierarchy.

As a rough guide, the lower in rank a thief is, the higher their protector(s) or accomplice(s) must be. By the same token, the higher in rank a thief is, the lower they can go in identifying possible accomplices, if he or she chooses.

In a situation where external pressure (like from donors) forced the NRM government to at least appear to be crucifying someone over corruption, there was already enough on file to make the Soroti Municipality MP and former junior Health Minister Mike Mukula a suitable candidate.

Whether the claim is true or not, Mukula’s repeated allegation that some of the money he stole from the GAVI fund was on behalf of the First Lady suggests that he probably considered himself of rather low rank in the hierarchy. At bottom, he and his supporters are vying for rank in the hierarchy. They want him to be raised to the level where impunity is virtually assured. Having apparently failed to achieve that goal, Mukula has found no alternative but to attribute his current troubles to “persecution”.

This is what is so disgusting. Clad in perfect clothes, the enemy of TB and HIV/Aids patients has nothing to draw from his NRM soul but the morality of the pig.

Allan Tacca is a novelist and socio-political
commentator. altaccaone@gmail.com

There is this common expression: Throwing good money after bad. For the benefit of young readers; after you have spent some money on what turns out to be a worthless enterprise, you may be tempted to spend more to turn around your luck. The initial expenditure is what we call bad money. The money not yet spent (and could be saved) is good money. Spending the good money on top of the bad increases your losses.

A little bit of phrase engineering gives us: Throwing good time after bad. And since time is money, multiplying time wastage is economic sabotage. A lone peasant who spends hours shifting his bedroom rags looking for a lost safety-pin can be left to lick his jiggers; but what about a ruler whose actions or omissions affect millions of people?

Surrounded by a sea of problems, from grand corruption and donor aid cuts to ghosts of dead politicians, President Museveni herded members of the NRM Parliamentary Caucus to the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi. Although everybody knows that the issue of rebellious NRM MPs was what drove an angry Gen. Museveni to Kyankwanzi, the public has been given the poorly sustained pretence that the gathering has a whole lot of other interests bigger than the rebels.

The truth in this case seems to be that all those other interests are excuses and deliberate distractions. The heart of things is to try and ram submission (politely called “party cohesion”) down the throats of skeptical and rebellious party members, as well as spreading fear in the media and the increasingly restless broader society.

From way back, the NRM has used Kyankwanzi to promote the cult of the warrior. The warrior is the liberator. The warrior understands discipline and obedience. The warrior restores order where the civilian brings confusion. The warrior is honest and patriotic. A civilian who wants to become a better citizen, especially a better leader, must seek some of the attributes of the warrior, the higher man. The warrior should be worshipped.

Over the years, and in spite of all the leaders who have gone through the Leadership Institute, Uganda has rapidly grown into a Mafia-like vampire state. And yet – old cults die hard – so often when his government is getting a bashing, Gen. Museveni dresses his officials in fake army uniform and lectures and threatens them at Kyankwanzi. The only attribute of the warrior that he seems to consider still desirable is obedience; or, more accurately, submission. Museveni’s expression for beating errant politicians into line is to “de-toxicate”, although perhaps “de-toxify” might be preferred.

However, while paying obsessive attention to this task of removing poison (no mischievous allusion intended) from rebellious politicians, as he has been doing this week, there must be gaps in the workings of an already incompetent and cash-strapped government. In short, who is governing Uganda?

Unlike countries where public institutions work with a high degree of autonomy, Uganda is largely micro-managed by the President. The President will be heard directing that such a person be questioned by the police; he will publicly tell off a minister who made a move he did not like, in effect making the minister reluctant to make decisions in other circumstances; he will get involved in a dispute over a plot of land; he is defence policy; he is oil policy; he is hydropower station priest; he is arbiter in Muslim quarrels; he is negotiating with investors; he is closing his eyes – or one of his eyes – when thieves are claiming billions and forging powerful documents; he is instructing the IGG where to look and PAC where not to look. So, instead of throwing good taxpayers’ money and presidential time on bad at a Kyankwanzi outfit that has shown itself to be a failure, why not spend the same resources on governing Uganda? A good job done there would make the rebels redundant and Kyankwanzi retreats unnecessary.

Allan Tacca is a novelist and socio-political
commentator. altaccaone@gmail.com

A crop of politicians with opposition sentiments has risen, but riding on the ruling party ticket. After the official opposition, these “rebel” MPs have started facing the music.

When the ruling NRM removed it’s pretence that it was not a political party in 2005/6, President Museveni continued to refer to his party (NRM) as if it was in some mysterious way not really a political party, but a relic of the defunct all-embracing “movement”, which the evil men and women who believed in political parties had abandoned to resurrect (or form new) real parties. Even to trained philosophers, this thing must have been confusing or ridiculous.

From then on, every undesirable action by an opposition party or politician attracted an attack on pluralism itself. And almost every act of wrongdoing by ruling NRM politicians was justified as the inevitable result of good men and women becoming infected with the germ of party politics; a punishment – it was vindictively added – that Ugandans fully deserved for rejecting the no-party movement system.

Naturally, when the “individual merit” Parliament was divided following the 2006 general election, and opposition party MPs were formerly identified, their jobs also became more risky. Before 2005/6, it was their habits and political histories that betrayed them, and they were lumped together as “multipartists”. Now they were properly marked as opposition parliamentary candidates or (later) MPs, and they were clearly branded with their specific party emblems.

Their campaign rallies, public speeches or street demonstrations and so on; all these were now treated with more hostility and even outright violence by various administrative and security outfits.

Partly to avoid this mistreatment, and partly to spite the ruling elite, a crop of politicians with opposition sentiments has risen, but riding on the ruling party ticket. After the official opposition, these “rebel” MPs have started facing the music.

As it happens, the instinct for self preservation fires your flight from excessive danger. It is in your DNA, just like in the fruit-fly. So, to counter the mischief of the security forces, which are overtly partisan, these MPs have had to learn various evasive manoeuvres and hiding skills. Sometimes they just cave in, terrified.

A frustrated public, hungry for change, wants every opposition or “rebel” NRM MP to kill a lion everyday. On the other hand, disciples of the ruling clique regularly ridicule and call the rebels’ bluff. From both sides, therefore, anti-establishment MPs face the charge of cowardice.
Now, the biggest sin of “the bad old days” of Milton Obote and Idi Amin was naked brutality.

The main tool in use was the gun. You challenged those who had guns (generally the State) at your peril. The dictators required your submission. So, they displayed the threats to your physical survival and/or mental integrity to make you fall back into line.

To resist state brutality, Museveni and his NRM rebels needed and acquired guns. Not only that, they hid in the bush. To do what they called “demystifying the gun”, they used guns. And yet, armed with AK47s, they were hiding.

In a sense, the guerilla is the ultimate coward. He sneaks up on you and shoots you from the back, then slips back into hiding. To boost his courage, he sometimes turns to narcotic drugs, or enlists the reckless youngster (kadogo) to do some of the grim work.

Alone, with just a pistol in his holster, no NRA guerilla – and absolutely none now among our fire-breathing generals – could openly march towards a platoon and call out: “Hey, here I am, ready to fight you. I want you to know that I am a tough guy.”

If it were true that some of our vocal MPs are turning to drugs to enhance their courage, I would not be entirely surprised. But then the first step towards a solution might be to stop treating them like guerillas. Unfortunately, the NRM is sliding back into the bad old days so rapidly that this charity of heart may now be impossible.

Allan Tacca is a novelist and socio-political
commentator. altaccaone@gmail.com