Is Buganda still relevant as a monarchy in the 21st century?

For 27 years, Buganda had no kingdom, and one of Kabaka Mutebi’s palaces on the outskirts of Kampala had been turned into an army barracks, while the seat of the Buganda government in Mengo served as the headquarters of the Ministry of Defence.

It all began with the infamous raid by independence leader Milton Obote of King Edward Muteesa’s palace in 1966. Monarchies were abolished, the king fled into exile in the United Kingdom and his son, Muwenda Mutebi, grew up in a foreign country, accommodated and supported by friends.

Things started to change for the better on July 31, 1993 when Buganda Kingdom was restored with the coronation of Mutebi as its 36th king. The ceremony at Naggalabi, the birthplace of the kingdom, remains one of the momentous events in Buganda’s history.

On August 3 (actual anniversary is July 31), Buganda will be celebrating the 20th anniversary of Mutebi’s coronation with pomp and ceremony. Many Baganda, the country’s largest ethnic group, will be taking stock of the two decades of their Kabaka’s coronation.

While Baganda will remember Mutebi’s colourful wedding with Sylvia Nagginda in 1999 and the birth of Princess Katrina Sangalyambogo in 2001 and that of Prince Richard Ssemakokiro (out of wedlock) in 2012 as highlights of the past 20 years, there have been sad chapters in the kingdom’s history in recent years.

The challenges
It has not all been smooth sailing. There have been ups and downs, and there are still lingering questions about the relevance of a monarchy in the 21st century.

Baganda’s quest for federo, as the federal system is called in Uganda, has so far come to nothing - and it seems highly unlikely that it will bear fruit in the foreseeable future. The central government has allowed Buganda to have and to do many things but it balks at ceding political power to the kingdom, something that has angered many in Mengo.

President Museveni, who played a key role in having the monarchy restored, has been foremost in warning traditional and cultural leaders to steer clear of politics.

Restoring Baganda’s kingdom was a token of appreciation for the support they gave him during his 1980s bush war that brought him to power. But Museveni seems not ready to do more for Baganda, especially where political power is concerned. Granting Baganda a federal status means that other kingdoms will be pressing similar demands, and that leaves a question mark on the future of a unitary system of government.

Some Baganda politicians have proposed a federal system that leaves the central government intact, but this has had only a tepid response from the powers that be.

Buganda can still use its numerical strength and economic power – something it has dismally failed to do in the past – to gain state power. It has a large number of well-educated and ambitious people although many of them, especially the youth, do not seem to value their culture and norms and even have trouble speaking and writing their own language.

Despite being politically impotent, Buganda continues to run its own government, headed by the prime minister who is appointed by the king. The king also appoints ministers but their ministerial duties appear to be largely symbolic.

NRM Vs Buganda
Buganda has also continued to occupy a central but not necessarily powerful position in the country’s politics, with some of the key ministries and institutions being led by Baganda. Since Mr Museveni came to power in 1986, three of his four vice presidents have been Baganda – Samson Kisekka, Gilbert Bukenya and Edward Ssekandi.

Out of seven ministers who have held the Finance portfolio, five have been Baganda. They are Ponsiano Mulema (RIP), Joash Mayanja-Nkangi, Gerald Ssendaula, Syda Bbumba and Maria Kiwanuka. The central bank has also largely been headed by Baganda – Suleiman Kiggundu (RIP) and Charles Nyonyintono Kikonyogo.

Many say that appointing Baganda to key positions (the new head of the army, Gen Edward Katumba Wamala, is also a Muganda) does not mean Buganda wields power, but it seems that is how Mr Museveni has managed to gain the electoral support of Baganda as many voters attach a great deal of importance to having a minister who belongs to their tribe.

The kingdom may have nothing to celebrate on the political front, but it has been making attempts – some successful; others unsuccessful - at building institutions that can generate income.

The prize example is the Central Broadcasting Service (CBS). Launched in 1996, CBS is Buganda’s flagship business venture and arguably the most successful. It makes money for the kingdom and employs many Baganda (and non-Baganda) who would otherwise be jobless.

In 1997, when the army vacated Lubiri which it had occupied for decades, Buganda tried to expand its media empire, launching Njuba Times as a bi-lingual daily. But the newspaper - like Teefe Trust Bank which was launched by prominent Baganda in 1992, – was a disaster. Njuba Times had trouble paying its staff and did not celebrate its first anniversary.

The 2009 deadly riots that began when Mutebi was prevented by the central government from visiting Kayunga, are sadly remembered by many Baganda.

The violence left scores dead and also saw CBS taken off air for more than a year, regaining the right to broadcast only after protracted negotiations with government officials who set preconditions for the radio to reopen. CBS has since refrained from discussing politically sensitive matters. Its temporary closure exposed the powerlessness of the kingdom.

Another sad event was the torching in 2010 of the Kasubi Tombs, which accommodated the mausoleums of Buganda’s past kings. Mutebi, who visited the gutted tombs along with his wife, wept. A commission of inquiry the kingdom promised would investigate the cause of the fire has never revealed anything.

The writer is Al Jazeera’s online Africa Editor and is based in Doha, Qatar.

Tomorrow, we shall look at the dark moments Kabaka Mutebi has faced under his reign.
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