On Museveni’s revolution, state power and the future

On Sunday January 26, 1986, the National Resistance Army (NRA) overran Kampala and declared themselves the government. Mr Yoweri Museveni, their leader, declared himself President of Uganda. Thirty seven years later, he still is.

In 2005, the (formerly armed) group transformed itself into a political party. Please don’t ask me how political parties (DP, FDC, NRM or UPC) relate to January 26 as a state sanctioned public holiday. What you should ask me is: Do you think this date should have been deleted from the calendar of  public holidays when the country went multi-party?

The truth is that Mr Museveni has framed his personal life as that of the revolution. That’s why he always traces the NRM (oh yes, a political party with card-holding membership) to his early childhood. And because of that, the banner under which the revolution rallies the masses has changed many times.

There was the student leadership (Scripture Union, debating club secondary school) that morphed into student political activism. Then there was Front for National Salvation (Fronasa), Popular Resistance Movement, NRM (as an armed rebel group). And now there is the National Resistance Movement (as a political party).

In all this, the central figure of the revolution remains one man: Mr Museveni. Scholars may be tempted to refer to him as the revolution (and now the state).

To the cadres of the revolution, January 26 represents a historical moment when the revolution’s (oh sorry, Mr Museveni’s) ideals were adopted as the guiding principles of the estates of the state. From January 26 1986, the revolution or Mr Museveni has controlled and guided the management of state power by subordinating government authority. In other words, the revolution and the state became one on January 26, 1986.

Revolutions are unconventional means of acquiring power. The central pillar of Mr Museveni’s armed struggle was violence and the military (establishment or military attitude) has remained at the centre of almost all aspects of the national life since Sunday,  January 26, 1986. Is it any wonder that even after Mr Museveni transformed his group into a conventional political party, this military attitude remains such a strong pillar in the management and continued holding state power? It is our observation that the military, as a function of state power, has become another pillar of partisan political actions framed as part of the revolution.

But after 37 years, the struggle can no longer be sustained by the cadres’ rhetoric oratory peppered with wordy bombast and quick-tongued diction. It is a time for self-reflection and projection of the country’s future. Poverty levels are (sad to be) very high and communities are very weak. The communities now lack the collective voice hitherto associated with the influence of co-operative societies and unions.

The level of self esteem among the youth (be they urban or rural) is so low that they can’t participate in shaping their destiny in a manner that portrays them as shareholding actors. The level of poverty, arising from the dislocation of communities, is very high. Poor administrative management of national resources has weakened communities to disabling levels.

It is now not uncommon to hear voices from the political opposition saying that Mr Museveni (the revolution too?) is now the biggest problem facing the country. Some members of the opposition (particularly those who were once part of the revolution) also say that “Mr Museveni should rescue himself (and the revolution?) from himself by acknowledging that his only business as a national leader is the management of a peaceful transition of power to the next leader”.

Did I celebrate January 26. I did; even as an angry cadre. Viva Pax Musevenica. 

Asuman Bisiika is the executive editor of the East African Flagpost.

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