Opposition: Devils on the cross or carcass for hounds?

When the wrangles in the Opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party eventually hit the airwaves and headlines last week, it was no surprise. The brews and symptoms had been apparent over weeks and months. Even Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) of Gen Mugisha Muntu (who broke away from FDC following among others, allegation of being an NRA/M mole) has loud ‘murmurs’ of when “building structures” will translate into active business.

The ruling NRA/M is no exception. Despite their founding leader still going strong, a trinity of sorts crisis is on: his son – a serving military officer – breaks the law as a matter of formality; criss-crosses the country in active campaign for leadership, leaving officials at NRM offices at Kyadondo Road tongue-tired in sign language.

The genesis of this mess can all be traced to a selfish cabal that included DP, NRA, some ranking clerics, and a couple of capricious UPC men using the army that overthrew the democratically-elected government in July 1985, six months before next elections. 

Mr Museveni took power for himself in January 1986, then banned political parties, blaming them allegedly for being “sectarian and religious-based”, which I think is not true, except for Catholic-DP.

While UPC challenged the ban in court in 1989, others were content dining with the devil. The Constituent Assembly (CA) elections of 1994 were, for instance, held while political parties were banned. Shamelessly, the 1995 NRA/M Constitution codified the ban with Article 269 restricting parties not to open branch offices, operate existing ones, hold national conferences to elect new leaders, sponsor or campaign for candidates in any elections and, interestingly, they may not do anything that might be deemed to “interfere with the Movement”.

It is against this background that the 1996 election charade was held. I was among those, with former president Milton Obote, who strongly opposed this although he eventually authorised UPC structures to support former DP leader Paul Ssemogerere. We believed that this was a motley vehicle for perfecting and entrenching a 10-year-old, one-man, one-party rule and baptism for monetised personal merit politics.

When Dr Kizza Besigye fell out with NRA and stood in the 2001 elections, I was again a reluctant supporter because I believed then, that we needed unity and focus (Article 269) on dismantling the system and structures that had blocked, demonised and criminalised political parties.

But by November 17, 2004, when the ban on parties was nullified, personal merit polity had perfected its ugly enzymes nationally. Political parties were now only vehicles for pocket-change, lucrative Parliament and other elective offices. 

NRM, the supreme architect, knew it. But this was after 20 years of clinical destruction of political culture of competitive polity based on servant-service, sacrifice, values, ideals, constructive debate and evidence.
This country requires, not proliferation of political parties, but rather, ideologically-driven polity backed by leadership that is charismatic, genuine, untainted, unifying and of stature. A non-divisive alternative that exuberates trust, confidence and hope; one that guarantees a culture of constitutionalism, rule of law and order backed by mandated and popular power of the people – grassroots. 

Scaringly, Ngũgĩ wa Thiongo’s Devil on the Cross says, “If a man can sell the whole country, why can’t I also sell this thing…”  you decide.

Joseph Ochieno writer is a pan-Africanist 
[email protected]   Twitter:@Ochieno