Kabaka exiled as Buganda calls for independence

Kabaka Muteesa II (R) at Rubaga cathedral after his return from exile in 1955. He was forced into exile on November 30, 1953. PHOTO COURTESY OF HENRY LUBEGA

What you need to know:

Banished. When Kabaka Muteesa wrote a letter inviting the missionaries, little did he know that those who would come after them would work to bring down his kingdom. This week, we go back to 1953 when Kabaka Muteesa disagreed with the colonial masters and ended up being exiled. He later returned, but as a constitutional king and not the monarchical king he was before.

The missionaries were never officially invited on their first visit, but upon proving themselves, they were officially invited to teach the people.
When the British came to Buganda on the invitation of then Kabaka Muteesa I, they were guests until they became master.
In 1900, they signed the Buganda Agreement, which guided the relationship between the two parties up until the 1950s. One of the articles in the agreement dealt with land and this agreement barred Europeans from owning land, hence saving Uganda from having White settlers as it was the case in neighbouring Kenya.
In the 1920s and 1930s, the British tried pushing for the closer union of their territory in East Africa, a thing that was vehemently opposed in Buganda. The Baganda feared they would lose their status in the bigger union.

With the resistance in Buganda, the British backed off the project.
However, a year into the reign of Andrew Cohen as the Governor of Uganda, then secretary of state for the colonies Oliver Lyttelton in June 1953, renewed the call for the creation of a federation for East Africa. When Buganda officials learnt of the new calls, they went up in protest against the new proposals.

With the new calls, there was mistrust from Buganda against the British and they started demanding for their independence and the restoration of the status quo as before the 1900 agreement.
The British would not listen to the demand for independence from Buganda at that time, leading to a political impasse between the two.
The series of talks between governor Cohen and the Kabaka failed to break the deadlock with Buganda more determined to separate from the rest of Uganda. Cohen reacted by invoking the 1900 agreement demanding that the Kabaka accepts the new policy of developing Uganda as a unitary state.

With Muteesa’s instance of cessation on November 30, 1953, Cohen revoked article 6 of the 1900 agreement which recognised Muteesa as the native ruler of Buganda, and he was immediately exiled.
When news of the Kabaka being exiled filtered through, it sparked off a series of demonstrations in Buganda leading to a crisis and the Baganda refused to elect a replacement, demanding his return to his throne.
The disturbance which followed the banishment became a point of concern to the British government, governor Cohen, and the Buganda Lukiiko.

In March 1954, the director of the institute of commonwealth studies at the London University, Prof Keith Hancock, was invited by Lyttelton and Cohen to mediate between the protectorate government and representatives of the Buganda Kingdom. Upon his arrival, the Baganda called him Wankoko.
From July to September 1954, Hancock chaired a total of 49 meetings first with a committee selected by the Buganda Lukiiko and another from the protectorate government and later met with governor Cohen.
The Buganda constitution committee, as it was called, had 17 members, including Mr Mugwanya, the Omulamuzi, Bishop Joseph Kiwanuka, P. Musoke, Dr E. Kalibala, A. K. Kironde, Mgr J. Kasule, E. M. K. Mulira, Fr J. K. Masagazi, T. A. K. Makumbi, Y. K. Lule, J. G. Sengendo-Zake, Mr Y. Kyaze and E. Z. Kibuka as their secretary.

Among the 39 articles of the Namirembe conference report, one recommended that: “The Kingdom of Buganda, under the Kabaka’s government, should continue to be an integral part of the protectorate; that the conduct of public affairs in Buganda should be in the hands of ministers; and that, while all the traditional dignities of the Kabaka should be fully safeguarded, Kabakas in future should be constitutional rulers bound by a solemn engagement to observe the conditions of the agreements regarding the constitution and not to prejudice the security and welfare of the Buganda people and the protectorate.”

Six chapters dealt with constitutional arrangements in Buganda, relationship of Buganda with the protectorate, citizenship, administration of justice and local administration in Buganda, and review of the Uganda agreement 1900 respectively.
Article one of the first chapter was a blow to the majority of the Baganda who were demanding for the cessation of their kingdom.
It stated: “The Kingdom of Buganda under the Kabaka’s government shall continue to be an integral part of the protectorate of Uganda.”

The legal challenge
As soon as the deportation of the Kabaka became a public issue, one of the young legal brains in Buganda decided to take it upon himself to challenge the legality of the governor’s actions.
Apollo Kironde, then a little known lawyer, sought the help of more experienced British lawyers to go to court. By 1953, when he challenged Governor Cohen, he was a junior to Sir Dingle Foot and Charles Shawcross who were practicing law in a number of countries that were British colonies, including Uganda.

Riots and state of emergency
With tempers flaring over the banishment, many people reacted by rioting in Buganda. The Governor reacted to the riots with a declaration of a state of emergency in May 1954.
The state of emergency in Uganda was drawn to the attention of the House of Commons in a private note to the house by a one Mr Dugdale.
Responding to the notice on June 1, 1954, the secretary of state for colonies is quoted in the Hansard of the House of Commons saying: “As the House will be aware, the governor of Uganda yesterday imposed a state of emergency in the province of Buganda.”

“This step has been taken because an attempted trade boycott is now being intensified by threats and intimidation to the public in Buganda.
Towards the end of April, the Uganda National Congress called for a three-month buying boycott of everything but bare necessities.”
The boycott started fairly peaceably, but during the last week members of the public were forcibly prevented from selling and buying goods. Cases were reported of people being compelled to return goods which they had bought.

Coffee trees belonging to people who had ignored the boycott were cut down. Intimidation greatly increased and criminal elements took advantage of the situation.
During the state of emergency, the governor used his powers to ban three newspapers. The ban was based on the allegation that the papers were “consistently stirring up disaffection against the government and regents of Buganda, and which contained articles stirring up racial hatred”.

The speaker of the House went ahead to say: “The special constabulary has been called up and troops are available should they be required, but at present the situation remains calm, and I have received no report of disturbances.”
“I should like again to emphasise that the governor’s action, the necessity for which I greatly regret, has been taken solely to enable the government to carry out its first duty of maintaining law and order and to protect the law-abiding public from the activities of a comparatively small number of irresponsible agitators.”

Debate on Buganda crisis
During a seating of the House of Commons on November 16, 1954, it was made clear that the two parties, the protectorate government and the Buganda government, had to find a solution to the crisis.
According to the British Hansard of November 1954, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Geofrey Fisher, while making his submission to the House of Commons, said: “My Lords, Christian opinion, both in this country and in Buganda, has been deeply and anxiously exercised about this unhappy matter ever since the Kabaka was deported.”
“At the very beginning of this distressing business, as I think, mistakes were made on both sides. I trust that all concerned will set to work to establish this settlement, then within a year, and indeed it may be in a shorter time, the way is open for the return of the Kabaka, if his people so desire.”

“As the noble Earl has said, there is still a great need for patience and restraint. I hope that the exemplary patience of the Lukiiko and of the people of the Buganda will continue and will earn quickly, as I think now it may, its full reward in a satisfied country and a renewal of complete trust between them and ourselves.”

Lord Fisher’s proposal for the king to be allowed to return within a year after the Namirembe conference sparked a hot debate in the House of Commons with many of the members fearing that if the Kabaka’s return is not timed well it may instead fuel the crisis being handled.
Responding to the point of inquiry from Lord Chorley, the speaker of the House of Commons said: “My lords, in these questions it is difficult always to predict precisely when the date will be. But our object is to get the constitution working satisfactorily before the Kabaka goes back.”

About the 1900 Pact
The Buganda Agreement of 1900 defined the boundaries of Buganda Kingdom, and was eventually extended to all of the British Uganda Protectorate.
Having captured, and exiled to the Seychelles Islands, Kabaka Mwanga of Buganda and Omukama Kabalega of Bunyoro, the British found that they had a free hand to impose their rule over Uganda.
This responsibility fell on Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston, who arrived in Uganda in 1899 and took up the role of consul general over the Uganda Protectorate. Johnston’s main job would be to ensure the signing of what came to be known as the 1900 (B)Uganda Agreement.