Tracing Uganda’s ‘rebel’ politicians since 1962

It was decided this week that the ruling NRM party will write to its Members of Parliament who voted against the removal of age limit for presidential candidates to explain their decision.
It emerged during the Tuesday NRM Parliamentary Caucus that the 27 MPs who sided with the Opposition to reject the amendment of the Constitution would know whether they will appear before the party disciplinary committee or not.
But this is not the first time we see seemingly independent-minded politicians go against their party positions in Ugandan politics. In this article we trace the political mavericks since 1962.

Alex Yaffesi Lobidra
Earlier in 1962, Alex Yaffesi Lobidra, a UPC Member of Parliament representing West Nile and Madi North West Constituency, became the first Ugandan political maverick when he crossed the floor and became an Independent.
This, he did after opposing his party position on expelling Kenyan trade unionists from Uganda. Majority of UPC members, as a ruling party, had resolved to expel the Kenyans.
But on November 6, 1962, Lobidra announced that he had crossed the floor of the House, citing what he called “disillusionment” with the UPC party.
“I have become an Independent member of the House. I would never join the DP,” he declared.
“The government is looking to an East African federation, leading to a United States of Africa, but Mr Adoko Nekyon and Mr Felix Onama want to send Kenyans back to Kenya, because they believe Kenyan trade unionists are trying to cripple Uganda’s economy. I shall remain in the House as an Independent member and will stand as an Independent in the next elections.”
While his stand did not stop the UPC government from expelling Kenyans from Uganda, history absolved him. In his deliberation Lobidra said the Uganda government wanted to expel Kenyan traders for fear of competition and in future someone will use the same excuse to expel Asians (Indians) from Uganda. And in November 1972, president Idi Amin expelled Indians from Uganda.
Lobidra remained a pain in UPC’s neck as an Independent MP until 1966 when president Obote lured him back to the party and appointed him permanent secretary Ministry of Housing and Labour.

Bidandi Ssali
Bidandi Ssali may be aging and out of politics, but those who encountered him in Kampala in the early and mid-1960s say he was a power to reckon with.
As a UPC Youth Wing leader, he loved his party and wanted it to thrive on democratic principles. But that was not to be and a clash was inevitable.
Bidandi became more prominent in politics after the April 1964 UPC delegates’ conference held in Gulu for the election of party leadership.
Grace Ibingira was elected new party secretary general, having controversially defeated former party secretary general John Kakonge with 127 votes. Ibingira got 738 votes against Kakonge’s 611 votes.
Bidandi and other UPC youth wingers, including Kintu Musoke and Kirunda Kivejinja, opposed the sham election. After the Gulu conference, Ibingira restructured the party organisation and gave powers to what others saw as dishing out to his cronies such as Kezekia Musisi, a Kampala City councillor.
This angered many in the party, and on the morning of September 12, 1964, Bidandi Ssali led a UPC Youth Wingers demonstration and stormed Kampala Club where UPC stalwarts were dining.
The situation was saved by the arrival of police. Bidandi’s action and concern attracted the attention of party leader and then prime minister Milton Obote.
In December 1964, Bidandi Ssali met Obote and told him that while he loved the party, he was opposed to the treachery and intrigue in UPC.
He also warned the prime minister that Ibingira was using his position as secretary general to create a Bantu faction aimed at the ousting the Nilotics from power, a claim Ibingira would deny.
But using his power, Ibingira caused the expulsion of Bidandi Ssali and others from the party. Two years later, history exonerated Bidandi Ssali. In February 1966, Obote arrested Ibingira and four other ministers, accusing them of planning a coup against him.
During the making of the 1967 Republic Constitution, about 20 UPC MPs objected their party position and so were absent on the day the Constitution was promulgated.
Among those who opposed their party wrong policies was Teso East MP Curthbert Obwangor who was later imprisoned on alleged attempted treason charges.

Aggrey Awori
Today as a politician, Aggrey Awori maybe operating from behind the scenes, but between 1981 and 1982, he was a UPC party maverick.
He openly opposed and intellectually debated against the views of the party, party president as well as party Secretary General Luwuliza Kirunda.
In order to manage him, in 1982 president Obote appointed him Uganda’s ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Washington. This was done to put him out of the national politics.
Speaking to Sunday Monitor on phone on Friday, Awori said: “I opposed the government policy of the liberalisation of the economy as recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. I wanted the government to have a stake in the economy.”
“At the time, people like Paulo Muwanga could bring lorries full of matooke to Kampala and charge exorbitant prices. I was opposed to leaving the economy to individuals and private companies to run it.”
Incensed by Awori’s public outbursts, Obote one day invited Awori to his office on the fourth floor of the Parliament building in Kampala.
In a heated argument, Obote reminded Awori that it was him, and not Awori, who was running the country.
Awori attempted to counter-argue, but the infuriated Obote said: “I am sending you to Washington.”
When Awori asked why, Obote answered: “You understand Americans better and the World Bank and IMF.” His new posting was to take immediate effect.

Besigye emerges
When the 1995 Constitution came into force, the idea that President Museveni should run again in 1996 became divisive. A number of his Bush War colleagues thought that having served as post-war leader for 10 years, the former guerrilla had done his time and needed to retire. In any case, Mr Museveni had promised to serve only four years as president.
After Mr Museveni was returned as winner of the presidential election for the first time in 1996, a number of his Bush War colleagues who felt the ideals for which they had fought had begun to be neglected felt that should be his last term.
Discussions started on how Mr Museveni would be replaced, with key players including Eriya Kategaya, who was deemed to be Museveni’s No. 2, Moses Kigongo and Salim Saleh also taking part in the conversations.
Another former Bush War fighter who took interest in the debate on transiting from Museveni was Kizza Besigye, then a colonel holding a command position in the army.
But as the 2001 election drew closer, it became increasingly likely that Mr Museveni would run again, causing a split among the Bush War comrades that were debating his exit. The majority took the view that if Museveni wanted, they would let him go for the second and “last” constitutional term that would run between 2001 and 2006.
Besigye would have none of this. Besigye in 2009 authored a stinging critique of Museveni’s government entitled “An insider’s account of how the Movement lost the broad base”, setting off panic within the establishment.
The dossier laid Mr Museveni’s government bare, with his former Bush War physician accusing his government of corruption, nepotism and cronyism. The talk then was that whereas what Besigye had written bore truth and needed to be discussed, he had expressed the views in “the wrong forum”.
Being a serving soldier, Mr Museveni said Besigye would be tried in the military court. After months of back and forth, Besigye was spared the military trial and allowed to retire from the army, releasing him to launch a political assault on Museveni that, 18 years and four presidential elections in which both men have faced off, is still raging.

Opposing Kyankwanzi resolution
In early 2005, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party held a conference at Kyankwanzi to map out a strategy to remove the presidential term limits. The move was opposed by many of the NRM members, but some backed down after they were told to toe the party line.
Dr Miria Matembe, Sarah Kiyingi, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali and Eriya Kategaya were party stalwarts who unshakably opposed the party move. And because of opposing the party line, in the subsequent Cabinet reshuffle, all the four were dropped.
The presidential term limit was removed to permit the party leader, President Museveni, to contest for the third term in 2006. In order to end the opposition to the Bill, an inducement of Shs5 million was given to MPs to amend the Constitution which called for only two five-year terms for president

NRM rebel MPs
Mavericks in the party tend to create cracks in the party. This happened to the NRM when its members – Ndorwa East MP Wilfred Niwagaba, Buyaga West MP Barnabas Tinkasiimire, Lwemiyaga MP Theodore Ssekikubo and Kampala Central MP Mohamed Nsereko – came out strongly during the oil debate.
The group was later expelled by the top organ of the ruling NRM after they were implicated over indiscipline and breach of the party code of conduct.
An attempt to have them kicked out of Parliament, however, hit a snag. For the first time, a special place was created for the four in Parliament pending a court case which also ended in their favour. The four commonly referred to as “NRM Rebel MPs” enjoy huge support in their constituencies.
In December 2017, several NRM Members of Parliament joined the Opposition in objecting to the removal of Article 102b of the Constitution which had put a 75-year cap for those intending to run for president.
Since then, the NRM has been talking of disciplining those who went against the party position of supporting its removal.